Commentary: This California bill is so bad it has me agreeing with a Trump Republican
By Anita Chabria Columnist Follow June 25, 2026 11:08 AM PT - Click here to listen to this article
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- The bill was meant to curtail malicious records requests, according to the author’s chief of staff.
- Open-government advocates said the bill would have a chilling effect on the public’s ability to access records.
For as long as I’ve been a journalist, which is a really long time, public entities have hated public records requests, even while claiming they don’t.
Ask your typical elected or hired official, from the governor to the animal control folks, and they’ll tell you transparency is vital and sunshine in government a key value.
Then turn in the most benign of public records requests — access to a calendar, for example — and prepare for weeks of delays and excuses. Want emails or financial records or, heaven forbid, anything from the police? Months or even years may pass before a single page is delivered, no joke.
That’s why I am deeply concerned about a bill winding its way through the California Legislature that would definitely slow down public records requests and likely make them more difficult and expensive. At its worst, it could push people into costly court battles just for having the audacity to ask for information.
The legislation, Assembly Bill 1821, is authored by Democratic Assemblymember Blanca Pacheco, whose district includes Norwalk, Downey and Bell, where legendary scandals are Example 1 of why public records matter.
Pacheco’s office told me Wednesday that the troubles with the bill are far from what Pacheco set out to do.
“It was never the author’s intention to take away people’s rights to a [Public Records Act] request,” said her chief of staff, Nikki Johnson.
Johnson said the bill was meant to curtail malicious records requests, which do happen, where a citizen goes after copious amounts of records just to be a jerk and cost the government time and money.
It was also meant to address the growing problem of artificial intelligence and other for-profit businesses requesting thousands of records with the intent of using the information to create money-making products — think of sites that already sell publicly available personal information as “background checks.”
I believe Johnson on the good intentions of the bill in addressing those real if nebulous difficulties, but you know what they say about the best-laid plans.
The bill passed through the Assembly recently with ease, largely because most of its problematic portions (I’ll get to those in a minute) were removed — though not all. Even in a watered-down form, which basically gave government more time to answer requests, I found myself in the unlikely position of agreeing with conservative Republican Assemblymember and Trump supporter Carl DeMaio of San Diego, who offered some of the only opposition from elected leaders during the Assembly vote.
“We cannot police the public’s right to know, and we want to err on the side of transparency in how government agencies operate,” DeMaio said.
Amen, brother.
But the Democratic-controlled Assembly erred on the side of secrecy and slowdown instead, and the measure sailed to the Senate, where seemingly out of the blue, a bunch of new provisions were added that fill it with loopholes, vague language and tons of room for abuse.
David Snyder, executive director of the First Amendment Coalition, said the bill as written now was “comprehensively bad for transparency and therefore for government accountability.”
Sean McMorris, transparency, ethics and accountability program manager for the advocacy organization California Common Cause, put it even more forcefully. He pointed out that “public records are the public’s records.”
“They’re not owned by the government,” he said. But this bill would shift that paradigm and make the public “prove why you need them.”
“It’s going to chill people who want to make requests, and it’s going to complicate the process, and it’s just wrong,” McMorris said.
In its new form, the bill basically allows government entities to decide if they feel a public records request is malicious or for commercial gain. If they do, they can petition a court to intervene — potentially sparking both legal costs and new fees associated with fulfilling the request.
It would also, Snyder said, force a requester to explain why they wanted the records — something California law has repeatedly avoided because it gives power to government to treat those it perceives as enemies differently.
In this age of fairness and reason, it’s hard to imagine a government official misusing power to keep secrets, but I’m told it happens. That makes it all the more crucial that people not be forced to explain why they want information, or if they will use it to, say, expose corruption — be it wrongdoing by a single individual or the entire system.
Faced with unintended consequences, Assemblymember Blanca Pacheco (D-Downey), shown in 2023, will seek to scale back the bill to its original form, according to her chief of staff. (Rich Polk / Getty Images for Equality California) “I have little doubt that some agencies will use that provision to overburden requesters that they view as political opponents, requesters that they view as just a hassle, requesters that ask for things the government doesn’t want to disclose,” Snyder said. “They can bring the requester into court, and at a minimum, slow down the process, and probably more likely get the requester to simply withdraw.”
As written, the bill also gives a shoddy carve-out meant to protect journalists, but which in reality could be used to curtail requests from freelancers, student journalists and more.
McMorris said access to public records is a “moral issue,” and fixing any problems with the current law requires “a scalpel, not a meat ax.”
This bill, he warned, is a meat ax.
“I don’t discount that there are abusive requests, and that there are requests that really are a burden on government agencies, but the law right now has ways for government agencies to address that,” he pointed out. “Once these laws go into place, they’re going to be hard to roll back.”
It could “fundamentally change” our access to public records, he said.
Johnson, Pacheco’s chief of staff, told me that faced with all these unintended consequences, the Assembly member is going to ask for the amendments to be removed, and for the bill to progress as it was written when it passed the Assembly. That could happen as early as next week, when the bill with the new provisions is scheduled to come up again in a Senate committee for debate.
Reverting to the bill the Assembly voted on would be better, but slowing down public records is in government’s best interests, not the people’s. The bill does nothing to address the problems it seeks to fix, but stretches out the time officials have to simply tell a requester if any records do exist — never mind delivering them.
So even back to its watered-down form, the bill remains a meat ax for a scalpel problem, chopping up transparency with good intentions.
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Ideas expressed in the piece
- The column contends that Assembly Bill 1821 would significantly undermine Californians’ right to know by slowing responses to public records requests, adding legal hurdles, and making it easier for governments to delay or deny disclosure, a concern echoed by transparency advocates who say the bill would fundamentally weaken the California Public Records Act and frustrate constitutional access rights[2][6][10].
- The piece suggests that late-added Senate amendments transformed a previously “watered-down” measure—mainly extending response times—into a bill filled with loopholes and vague language that gives agencies broad discretion to label requests as “malicious” or “commercial,” thereby enabling them to drag requesters into court and discourage inquiries through cost and delay[2][4][6].
- The article argues that forcing requesters to justify why they want records in order to avoid being treated as commercial operators or bad-faith actors would invert the principle that public records belong to the public, and would invite officials to treat perceived critics or political opponents differently, a risk noted by open-government organizations warning that agencies could weaponize these provisions against disfavored requesters[6][8][10].
- The column contends that even the bill’s carve-out aimed at protecting journalists is poorly drafted and could leave freelancers, student reporters, and nontraditional media more vulnerable to fees and litigation, aligning with concerns from press-freedom advocates that the bill would chill watchdog reporting and push some journalists away from filing records requests at all[2][3][10].
- The piece suggests that existing law already gives agencies tools to manage truly burdensome or abusive requests, and that AB 1821 functions as a “meat ax” where a “scalpel” is needed, warning that once such restrictions and fee structures are embedded in statute, they will be difficult to roll back and could permanently narrow public access to information about government conduct[3][6][10].
- The column contends that even if the author of AB 1821 now seeks to strip out the most controversial amendments, the core idea of slowing down responses and expanding agency discretion still serves government interests over the public’s, mirroring critics’ broader argument that the bill responds to bureaucratic frustration rather than to any demonstrated crisis in transparency[2][4][6].
Different views on the topic
- Supporters of AB 1821 argue that cities, counties, and state agencies are facing a growing deluge of voluminous and complex records requests, including repetitive or bad-faith filings, which they say strain already-limited staff and budgets and divert resources from core public services; they view the bill as a necessary modernization of the records law to manage this workload more sustainably[1][4][9].
- Proponents contend that the bill’s provisions allowing agencies to identify “commercial” or large-scale data requests and to recover some of the cost of staff time spent searching, reviewing, and redacting records are aimed at curbing exploitation of public databases by for-profit data brokers and AI-driven companies, not at ordinary citizens or journalists seeking accountability documents[4][7][9].
- Backers of the legislation emphasize that public records access would remain intact for most requesters, arguing that clearer rules, extended but defined timelines, and the ability to involve courts when dealing with particularly burdensome or abusive demands would create a more orderly, predictable process that still honors transparency while preventing operational paralysis for smaller agencies[1][4][5][9].
- Supporters point to cases in which officials say a small number of individuals or organizations have flooded agencies with sprawling records demands, sometimes numbering in the thousands of pages, and argue that AB 1821 would give governments a measured way to respond—through cost recovery and judicial review—rather than simply delaying or ignoring requests as happens under current practice[4][7][9].
- Those favoring the bill also frame it as a tool to protect privacy and limit the mass harvesting of sensitive personal information from public records, asserting that new fee structures and commercial-use distinctions could discourage businesses from building background-check sites or data products that republish information in ways many residents find intrusive or harmful[1][4][9].
Badenoch blasts 'moaning' female Labour MPs over Burnham jobs 'quota'

Kemi Badenoch has told Labour women to earn a job in Andy Burnham's Cabinet instead of demanding they are handed jobs because of their gender.
The Tory leader lashed out today amid reports that female MPs are demanding the de-facto new prime minister introduce a 50:50 gender split 'quota' in his government.
Amid reports that former foreign secretary David Miliband is being lined up to return to the role, possibly with his brother Ed as Chancellor, one female minister also complained that Burnham could not have 'more Milibands than women' in the top posts.
But in a scathing article in the Times today Mrs Badenoch told them to 'stop moaning' and get chosen on merit instead of retreating into 'more of the failed identity politics that is holding back our country'.
'There are many, many reasons why you shouldn't have any Milibands in the cabinet,' she said.
'But complaining that the boys haven't given them the right jobs or that the boys are taking all the jobs, just shows that Labour's women still don't get it.'
The idea of quotas was also attacked by Baroness Jacqui Smith, Labour's Skills Minister.
Asked by Times Radio if Mr Burnham should reserve jobs for women, she said: 'No, I think what Andy Burnham should be doing is building the very best team around him to change this country.'
A letter written by the Women's Parliamentary Labour Party has called on Mr Burnham to ensure a 50:50 split between men and women in government jobs
Amid reports that former foreign secretary David Miliband (above, right, in 2010) is being lined up to return to the role, possibly with his brother Ed as Chancellor, one female minister complained that Burnham could not have 'more Milibands than women' in the top posts
But Mrs Badenoch told them to pipe down and get chosen on merit instead of retreating into 'more of the failed identity politics that is holding back our country'
A letter written by the Women's Parliamentary Labour Party and seen by the BBC has called on Mr Burnham to ensure a 50:50 split between men and women in government jobs after he succeeds Sir Keir Starmer.
'We are asking you to demonstrate this change from day one and address the toxicity and misogyny within our own party and government,' it said.
Labour has never had a female leader, while the Conservatives have had three, and Mrs Badenoch urged the government to follow its meritocratic example.
'If you run a meritocracy, then you do not have to worry about jobs for the boys,' she wrote.
'Every woman who is a Conservative MP, every woman who has ever won the leadership, has had to fight to get where she is.
'By contrast, Labour women are demanding guarantees from Burnham. But the truth is he doesn't have to give any guarantees.
'If none of Labour's women are prepared to get their hands dirty and challenge him for the leadership, their demands are toothless.'
'In fact, it's quite revealing that the women's parliamentary Labour Party has written to Burnham asking him to commit himself to at least 50 per cent female ministers.
'This has nothing to do with meritocracy. It is yet more of the failed identity politics that is holding back our country.'